The development was confirmed in a statement issued on Wednesday by Kamaludden Shawai, spokesperson to the Speaker, Jibril Falgore.

According to the statement, the Assembly has formally received communication from the governor regarding the nomination.

It stated, “The Kano State House of Assembly has officially received correspondence on the governor’s nominee for the office of deputy governor for proper screening and approval.”

The lawmakers confirmed that Garo’s screening will take place on Monday as part of the constitutional confirmation process.

Earlier, Governor Yusuf had forwarded Garo’s name to the Assembly in line with constitutional requirements.

In a statement issued by his Chief Press Secretary, Mustapha Muhammad, the governor explained that the nomination complies with Section 191(3) of the 1999 Constitution (as amended), which empowers a governor to appoint a deputy where a vacancy exists.

He added that the decision followed wide consultations with key stakeholders and requested the Assembly’s approval for the nomination.

The deputy governorship seat became vacant after the resignation of former deputy governor Abdussalam Gwarzo on March 27, 2026.

The statement further described Garo as a seasoned political administrator with more than 20 years of public service experience.

The 48-year-old has previously served as State Organising Secretary of his party, Special Adviser to the Governor, Chairman of Kabo Local Government Area, Chairman of the Association of Local Governments of Nigeria (ALGON) in Kano State, and Commissioner for Local Government and Chieftaincy Affairs.

He also contested as the All Progressives Congress deputy governorship candidate in the 2023 general elections.

The nomination is part of the administration’s efforts to strengthen governance and improve service delivery in Kano State.

He delivered the account during a lecture at Abbey College, Cambridge, United Kingdom, on Wednesday, where he traced the evolution of opposition politics back to the aftermath of the 2003 general elections, which he described as a major “political tsunami.”

Mohammed said that discipline, unity, and strategic communication played a key role in transforming a fragmented opposition into a strong national political force.

He recalled that in 1999, Nigeria’s return to democracy produced a relatively balanced political landscape, with the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) controlling 21 states, the All Peoples Party (APP) governing nine, and the Alliance for Democracy (AD), which he was part of, holding six.

However, he noted that the 2003 elections dramatically changed the balance of power. According to him, the PDP gained seven additional states, bringing its total to 28, while the AD suffered heavy losses, retaining only Lagos State. The APP, later rebranded as the All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP), also lost ground but remained a major opposition bloc.

He explained that the collapse of the AD’s influence forced political realignments that eventually led to the formation of new alliances, beginning with the Action Congress of Democrats (ACD), which later evolved into the Action Congress (AC) and subsequently the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN).

Mohammed said that despite controlling just one state at a point, the ACN leveraged effective communication to build visibility and relevance as a leading opposition platform.

“In those times, communication was our strongest weapon. Every message mattered. If it didn’t cut through, then we simply did not exist in the public space,” he said.

He added that the ACN later expanded to six states and joined forces with other political groups to form the All Progressives Congress (APC) in 2013.

The coalition, he noted, quickly rose to prominence and eventually defeated the PDP in the 2015 presidential election—marking the first time an incumbent ruling party was removed at the federal level in Nigeria.

Mohammed concluded that the experience reinforced the importance of communication in politics, stressing that it goes beyond speech to include clarity, consistency, and strategic messaging.

Speaking during plenary on Wednesday, Ningi warned that the rising wave of attacks poses a serious threat to all Nigerians and requires urgent, collective intervention beyond the executive arm of government.

He expressed concern over what he described as a shift in attack patterns, particularly the targeting of top military personnel and security operatives, mostly in northern states.

“This is not a political matter, this affects all of us,” he said.

“And if you look at the trends of attacks against our armed forces, it has shifted. They are now targeting the very best of our military personnel and other security threats, and more often in the North.

“The trend has moved from random attacks to more coordinated ones. Actions are said to have been taken, but I say actions have not been taken,” he added.

Ningi insisted that tackling insecurity should not rest solely on the President and Commander-in-Chief, but must also involve the National Assembly, especially the Senate.

“This is not just the work of the President or Commander-in-Chief. This is our responsibility. The National Assembly and the Senate in particular must engage all relevant authorities, whether it is about arms supply or funding,” he said.

He further urged lawmakers not to detach themselves from the realities of insecurity affecting citizens, warning that the crisis is national and not limited to Abuja.

“We cannot continue to think that because we are in Abuja it does not affect us. It affects all of us,” he stated.

As part of his proposals, Ningi suggested drastic steps, including the suspension of political activities in affected areas until the security situation improves.

“One of the things we must do is either suspend all political activities across the country, or focus on frontline states like Borno, Plateau, Bauchi, Benue, Sokoto, Kebbi, and parts of Kano, until we are certain these security challenges are addressed,” he added.